I try to see the best in people. Roy Cooper makes that really hard

Most people only know the press conference version of Roy Cooper. I've gotten to see the real one.

In all areas of my life, I try to see the best in people. Honestly, our politics needs a whole lot more of that: more grace, and more willingness to believe that even people you disagree with are acting in good faith.

I can disagree with Democrats like Gov. Josh Stein, Attorney General Jeff Jackson, Justice Allison Riggs, and NCDP chair Anderson Clayton and still believe they’re in it for the right reasons.

But former Gov. Roy Cooper is different. With him, I just can’t do it.

Oh, I get his appeal. A Nash County native with a moderate brand, he’s spent four decades convincing North Carolinians he’s the calm, steady hand you want in charge.

But I’ve seen too much to believe it’s all about service. The truth is, he’s one of the most politically calculating and accountability-averse leaders North Carolina has had. He’s built a career on avoiding scrutiny and consolidating control — protecting himself, not the people he’s supposed to serve.

Cooper is expected to announce a run for U.S. Senate as early as today. For the first time in his political life, I’m optimistic that he won’t be able to duck, deflect, and outspend his way past his record.

I cannot wait.

I’ve seen it up close

I spent a year and a half of my life working to defeat Cooper as Dan Forest’s communications director in the 2020 governor’s race. So yes, I’m biased.

The one and only debate that cycle told you a lot. It’s definitely still worth a watch. Cooper smirked his way through honest questions, dodged accountability, and even looked into the camera and said with a straight face:

“We inherited a broken long-term recovery system in North Carolina. When I became governor, we fixed it.”

That simply wasn’t true. In reality, the hurricane recovery agency Cooper built left storm victims stranded for years, and was already failing before Hurricane Helene devastated the western part of the state. When Cooper left office, his own party shut it down.

And now, national money is finally coming in to tell the full story. The National Republican Senatorial Committee is already out with an ad tying Cooper to national Democrats. That’s a good start.

Republicans have tried before to make that connection stick, and it hasn’t worked. But those were state-level races, where Cooper could blur the lines and make every issue about Raleigh.

A U.S. Senate campaign is different. In 1984, Jim Hunt learned that lesson the hard way. Jesse Helms turned that race into a referendum on Washington liberals, and won. The same strategy could work again.

But it needs substance. And Roy Cooper has given us plenty to work with.

What voters need to know about Roy Cooper

1. A record of failed leadership

When North Carolinians needed help, Cooper built bureaucracies that didn’t deliver. And when things broke down, he never took responsibility. He dodged the questions, blamed others, and used political spin to protect his image.

• The Department of Transportation blew through its budget by more than $700 million, pausing hundreds of road projects. Cooper’s team blamed hurricanes, but state audits pointed to mismanagement.

• The unemployment system collapsed during COVID. Desperate families couldn’t get through. Cooper’s office didn’t answer the phones — Forest’s office stepped in and helped scores of people.

• Hurricane recovery was a national embarrassment. Thousands of families were still waiting years after storms. Cooper said the system was “fixed.” It wasn’t. Storm victims from years past were still in hotels when Helene hit.

• The DMV became a statewide headache. Even before COVID, residents waited in interminable lines for service. Cooper then placed a political ally in charge — but the problems only got worse.

Time and again, Cooper prioritized perception over performance. He talked like a manager, but governed like a campaign consultant.

2. A political operator to the core

Roy Cooper talks like a moderate — but governs like a machine boss.

• He used campaign cash to punish Democratic Senator Kirk deViere for voting with Republicans on a few bills. Cooper helped fund a primary challenger and drove him out.

• He ran Tricia Cotham out of the party, too. Rather than accommodate ideological diversity, Cooper and his allies mocked her values, ostracized her from leadership, and drove her into the Republican column.

• He micromanaged his caucus in the legislature, including picking where lawmakers sit — all to maintain maximum leverage over the building.

• He withheld permits from the Atlantic Coast Pipeline developers to negotiate a “slush fund,” $58 million that Cooper intended to control himself.

• He abused emergency powers, keeping North Carolina under a state of emergency for 888 days. While other governors restored checks and balances, Cooper issued more than 150 executive orders with no legislative input.

• He weaponized the legal system through national Democratic attorney Marc Elias — flooding state courts with lawsuits aimed not at justice, but at achieving political control. The strategy? "Sue until blue."

• He even lied in his first campaign for Attorney General. His Republican opponent in that first 2000 AG race sued over a TV ad Cooper ran that alleged unethical behavior. After 14 years of legal wrangling, Cooper had to issue a public apology.

This isn’t the kind of thing I usually write. Most Democrats who read Longleaf, and there are a good number of you, know I aim to be fair, even when I disagree.

But I’ve also spent a good part of my life in public service, and I care deeply about the future of this state. That means calling things like I see them, especially when a national platform is on the line.

North Carolina deserves better than Roy Cooper. And I’ll do everything I can to make sure he doesn’t become our next U.S. Senator.

Quick hits

• Gov. Josh Stein’s first few months were low-key. But with 14 vetoes now behind him, the politics are starting to show. In my newspaper column, I went through every one — and picked four where the veto just doesn’t hold up. These are the ones the legislature should override first. Read it here: Gov. Josh Stein’s four worst vetoes and why the General Assembly should override them
  

• I usually hate price caps, but towing isn’t a real market. A bill moving through the legislature would add some basic guardrails: limits on fees, better transparency, and a way to find your car without getting gouged. It’s a conservative fix to a broken system. Read my column here: I hate price caps. But North Carolina should limit towing fees

At a premium

Subscribers got this article on Thursday when the news first broke. I’ve now made this free to read.

Michael Whatley has earned his shot for U.S. Senate

Important reads

• Charlotte gears up for transit-tax campaign (Business North Carolina)

• NC elections board OKs changes to military, overseas voting (Carolina Journal)

• The government stepped in to clean up a disaster in North Carolina. Then they created another one (Vox)

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